Three persons, have been arrested this afternoon by officials from
Natural Resource Conservation Network Together with Police in Kamwenge
District ,Musinguzi Bernard, Bijebere Peter and Orisigarire Charles were
cornered for running a racket to capture and sell parts of endangered
species of animals such as Hippos, Pangolins and Python skins.
NRCN
officials had received a tipoff recently regarding operation of a
racket in the district, which has been engaged in illegal trade of
endangered species on a regular basis. Acting on the information, a team
of NRCN and Police conducted a raid and arrested the two persons.
The
Operatives recovered 52 pieces of Hippo Ivory meaning over 15
Hippopotamus were butchered and 4kgs of Pangolin scales plus 2 long
skins of mature pythons, sending nature into jeopardy. The arrested are
currently detained at CPS Kamwenge waiting to appear in the courts of
law for prosecution to commence and a file bearing a charge of “Illegal
possession of wildlife trophies or products has already been opened
against the three”
Wildlife is hunted aggressively in Uganda and
in neighboring countries which has endangered their populations over
time. To issue a permit, the exporting country must determine that this
activity will have no detriment to the wild population. Insatiable
demand for some wildlife products like ivory and pangolins from East and
Southeast Asia (particularly from China and Vietnam) has been the
primary factor leading to the demise of their populations.
Kamwenge District News
Saturday, 30 July 2016
Petition against Kamwenge MP dismissed
KABAROLE. The High Court in Fort Portal has dismissed an election petition against the Kamwenge Woman MP, Ms Dorothy Azairwe Nshaija.
Court presided over by Justice Elizabeth Kabanda last Friday dismissed the petition filed by Ms Grace Ninsiima against Ms Nshaija for lack of enough evidence.
The petitioner alleged that Nshaija did not sit for Senior Four exams but used Dorothy’Azairwe’s papers.
“The 1st respondent proves she is the one and possesses minimum qualification of S.6 certificate to qualify as a member of parliament and there is no evidence to prove that she is not the one,” Justice Kabanda ruled.
“Having made due inquiry into the petition, I find election of woman MP Kamwenge District was valid and election was conducted according to electoral laws. So I dismiss this petition with no costs,” she ruled.
Later, outside court, Ms Nshaija told journalists: “That’s what I expected from the judgment because I went to school, I have been in Parliament for five years and the documents I presented to the Electoral Commission last time are the real ones I presented this time.”
Thursday, 27 March 2014
RE: AGABA SADI ONE MONTH INTERNSHIP HISTORY AT KAMWENGE E-CENTER
.
I hereby submit my internship history as an IT
Student. I am a Ugandan aged 26 year, from Kanara Sub County, Kamwenge
District. A student of Uganda Pentecostal University Kahungabunyonyi Main
Campus offering Bachelor of Information Technology third year, Registration NO_
U/2011/BIT/046/D.
In bid to improve my skill I decided to apply for
internship training with the E-Society Resource Center Kamwenge District Local Government.
I was welcomed by the head of IT department miss Kiiza Joy on 26th Feb.
2014 and advised me to address the issue to the principal personnel kamwenge
district Mr. Musika who recommended me with internship placement letter of the
District local Government on 05th march 2014. The internship
training has been done on a daily basis from Monday to Friday fully supervised
by Madam Kiiza Joy. Through this training I have advanced my skills specifically
in networking, database management, Microsoft power point, computer repairing
and maintenance skills, projects reports and other related computer programs. I
have managed to formulate an internship report with four chapters.
I want to thank the management of e-society resource
center for the wonderful services rendered to the students, and the general
public. I recommend e-society resource center to extend more branches to
different areas to enhance service delivery to student and the community. Generally
my internship training ended 27TH March 2014 successful and I wish
to be part of you once required.
Thanks Yours;
AGABA SADI.
Tel
no_0788930536.
Thursday, 13 March 2014
WOMENS DAY CELEBRATION IN KAHUNGE
The women's day celebration took place on Tuesday 11 2014 in kahungye subcounty kamwenge district .the theme was inpartneship of men boys with women and girls. as the emphasis was letting all gender equalities work together without neglecting girl child education
Monday, 10 March 2014
20 14 HONEY WEEK EXHIBITION IN KAMWENGEDISTRICT
Sunday 9th March 10, 2014 was a climax day for the honey week in kamwenge the
event took place at kamwenge primary school and was organized by kabecos. The
guest of honor for the event was MR Biryabarema Elijah the newly
appointed RDC for Kamwenge District and
various people like the , clergy, cao
media fraternity and the developmental partners who had come to exhibit what
they do and how they contribute towards beekeeping.
The Uganda honey trade project
2010-2014 was implemented by four partner
organisations,bees for development(BFD),apitrade Africa(AA),the Uganda
national apiculture development
organization(Tunado) and kamwenge beekeepers cooperative savings and credit
society(KABECOS).The three outcome of the project was to buy and sell more honey ,institutional
strengthening of value addition. The goal was to develop market access for
rural beekeepers in kamwenge and provide trade fairs opportunity for hives.
The idea of honey week was conceived
by the project manager of Bees for Development Mr. Martin Jones so that all actors in the value chain was to showcase their products and services to the
public. The honey week was meant to raise awareness within the women, youth in
and outside schools and the entire public about the importance of bee keeping
in agriculture and sustainable economic development and Enterprise challenge
scheme was initiated to enhance value addition initiatives for women and youth
in kamwenge 238 people who were trained were futher challenged to compete
amongthemeselves in trading their products.
Under the enterprise challenge scheme
30 of these were commissioned to produce (creams, lotions) show case and demonstrate
their products and services to the public
Potential consumers) so that they
could earn extra income and improve their livelihoods, successful contestants
were given a grant of ugx 100,000 each to continue with their trade for a
period of two months.
The theme for the honey week was “bee keeping leverage for income generation
and improved sustainable livelihood”
The main
objective of the honey week is to raise awareness about the importance of
developing worthwhile market access for the youth and women rural poor so that they
can earn a reasonable income from the lucrative and useful beekeeping
enterprise
Specifically the honey week was to
§ Advocate for the apiculture sector
growth and worthwhile market access for the rural beekeepers through collective
marketing and bulking.
§ Emphasize the importance of best bee
keeping practices and to enhance the
quality of honey products and other hive products
§ Provide a platform for women and
youth in business to business networking.
§ Show case and receive feedback on
kamwenge honey products and other hive
products.
§ Practically demonstrate that
beekeeping is viable business and stimulate community members.
At the event there was honey
exhibition (displays and testing of different hive products and beekeeping equipment’s.
PRESENTATION FROM
RIC-NET
RIC-NET presentation was made by ms
kiiza joy who talked about the various methods they use when availing
information to beekeepers like the use of internet at the e-center which
provides widest information on beekeeping, the use of KACOICE an information
center hosted by KABECOS which provides manual agricultural information . and
the use of mobile phone alerts.
Participants where given certificates
of attendance, presenters where given certificate of presentation by the guest
of honour Mr Biryabarema Elijah Resident
District Commissioner kamwenge. And the event ended at 7:00pm with a song from
the team from busiriba drama actors who
conveyed the message about the importance of bee keeping and encouraging more
people to join the struggle of bee keeping.
Sunday, 9 March 2014
NRM PARTY TO REVIEW ITS POLICIES AND PERFORMANCE IN KYANKWAZI TURNED INTO AN IMPROMPT ANNUAL DELEGATES’ CONFERENCE AND PARTY PRIMARY ELECTION.
performance turned into an imprompt annual delegates’
conference and party primary election. It also was, in a sense, a purge, by
which the loyalty of party members was put once and for all to the test.
The two main national daily
newspapers, theDaily Monitor and New Vision, on February 13 led with
the headlines that the Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi had backed President
Museveni as the party’s candidate for the 2016 general election. That was in
itself both strange and revealing. Why should Mbabazi backing Museveni make
such news? Was Mbabazi not expected to back Museveni?
This was the purpose of the
Kyankwanzi meeting: a serious power struggle has been developing
within the NRM and reported by several gossip newspapers, but at Kyankwanzi, it
finally became public.
This power struggle is between two
factions of the party, the first loyal to Museveni and the other to Mbabazi. It
was the first clear indication that contrary to all outward appearances,
Museveni no longer commands the near-total control over the NRM as he once did.
The media correctly reported the Kyankwanzi meeting as being all about Mbabazi.
The NRM since its bitter delegates’
conference in August 2010 has become much like what we saw in Kenya after 1992
where a party called FORD was split into two, FORD-Kenya and FORD-Asili. In
this instance, what Uganda has today is NRM-Museveni and NRM-Mbabazi. How did
this come to be, when it was always assumed that Museveni has led the NRM
practically unchallenged since early 1985, following the death of the NRM chairman
Yusufu Lule?
Mbabazi – the NRM’s Paulo
Muwanga
To answer this question, we must understand who Mbabazi is. In recent years, he has been the Secretary-General of the NRM and Prime Minister of Uganda. But there is much more to him than that. He has always wielded behind-the-scenes power that is hard to explain. His power goes beyond the office he holds at any one time. Who is Amama Mbabazi?
To answer this question, we must understand who Mbabazi is. In recent years, he has been the Secretary-General of the NRM and Prime Minister of Uganda. But there is much more to him than that. He has always wielded behind-the-scenes power that is hard to explain. His power goes beyond the office he holds at any one time. Who is Amama Mbabazi?
For many years since 1986, the
Ugandan media and political commentators regarded Museveni as the number
one political power in the country. At various times, Museveni’s
brother Gen Salim Saleh, his childhood classmate the late Eriya Kategaya, at
some point the Foreign Minister Sam Kutesa and even the First Lady Janet
Museveni as the effective number two in Uganda’s pecking order of influence and
power.
Unknown
After the NRM seized state power in 1986, Mbabazi was named the Director-General of the External Security Organisation, Uganda’s foreign intelligence agency.
The Director-General of the Internal Security Organisation, Brig Jim Muhwezi, was always in the limelight, pictured at parties and public events. But Mbabazi was largely unknown to and unseen by the public. He later became the Minister of State for Defence but even then, was always in the shadows. It was only in the 2000s that Mbabazi became a well-known and visible public figure.
After the NRM seized state power in 1986, Mbabazi was named the Director-General of the External Security Organisation, Uganda’s foreign intelligence agency.
The Director-General of the Internal Security Organisation, Brig Jim Muhwezi, was always in the limelight, pictured at parties and public events. But Mbabazi was largely unknown to and unseen by the public. He later became the Minister of State for Defence but even then, was always in the shadows. It was only in the 2000s that Mbabazi became a well-known and visible public figure.
According to various sources, this
is what makes Mbabazi so effective and now such a challenge to Museveni. He
works best while working in the shadows.
Mbabazi is the man who handled the
operations of Museveni’s FRONASA guerrilla group inside Uganda during the 1970s
while Museveni was in Tanzania. And when Museveni started his 1980s guerrilla
war and was at the front line, it was Mbabazi who set up and run the
administrative structures and systems of the organisation that became known as
the NRA/NRM.
Most Ugandans have the impression
that Museveni was both the overall military commander of FRONASA and the
NRA/NRM and their chief administrator. But it was Mbabazi who was the
behind-the-scenes chief of staff, coordinating FRONASA activities in Uganda in
the 1970s and the external wing of the NRM in the 1980s.
Most of the NRA’s diplomatic and
media victories, such as bringing a freelance British journalist, William Pike,
to visit the NRA camps in Luweero Triangle in September 1984 and give the
rebels much-needed publicity in the West, were the work of Mbabazi.
This is what gives him much of his
mysterious clout and arouses much resentment toward him among his colleagues,
as some of the Daily Monitor “Bush War” series about the NRA war revealed.
To use a computer industry term,
Amama Mbabazi set up the Windows and Android operating systems on which the NRM
runs. That is why people like Mbabazi’s wife, Jacqueline and outspoken daughter
Nina Mbabazi Rukikaire do not feel the awe and fear of Museveni that most other
Ugandans feel. Their mentality is one of “we are the family that brought you,
Museveni, to power”.
Mbabazi has always been a Paulo
Muwanga – a civilian but who gravitates toward key military roles that nobody
can quite explain. During the Moshi Unity Conference of March 1979, Muwanga was
named the chairman of the Military Commission.
During the second UPC government,
Muwanga became Vice President and Minister of Defence, a powerful and almost
untouchable figure in Uganda. In the same way, Mbabazi does not have
obvious military training but somehow is named Director-General of
the sensitive ESO, then Minister of State for Defence when Museveni was the
head of state and Minister of Defence.
As all eyes focused on Salim Saleh,
Kategaya, Kutesa and all sorts of possible successors to Museveni, and after
2000 when all Museveni’s attention was centred around a new and unexpected
political threat called Colonel Kizza Besigye, Mbabazi was quietly building a
parallel NRM within the NRM.
Mbabazi was the first man since the
NRM’srise to power in 1986 to create his own self-contained political
system complete with political and intelligence operatives, with Mbabazi
loyalists in key places in the civil service, news media, Uganda’s embassies
abroad, the police, LC5 chairmen, RDCs and dozens of students getting
scholarships from Mbabazi.
By the time Museveni only recently realised that his biggest challenger was not Besigye but Mbabazi, it was too late. There was a second NRM running Uganda.
By the time Museveni only recently realised that his biggest challenger was not Besigye but Mbabazi, it was too late. There was a second NRM running Uganda.
In desperation, a move was made by
State House to diffuse the Mbabazi problem by demanding that NRM ministers, MPs
and party officials publicly state their stand at Kyankwanzi. What would be
Mbabazi’s reaction? Mbabazi dully added his signature to the 200-strong roll
call list of MPs backing Museveni’s 2016 presidential bid.
Kyankwanzi move
Museveni had hoped to call Mbabazi’s bluff. Instead Mbabazi called Museveni’s bluff with his own bluff, defeating the purpose of Museveni’s Kyankwanzi move. If Mbabazi has added his signature to the pro-Museveni list, how can Museveni then claim that Mbabazi is undermining him from within? What Mbabazi did at Kyankwanzi was what Museveni did by signing the 1985 Nairobi peace accord – bidding your time by going through the motions of something you do not intend to honour.
Museveni had hoped to call Mbabazi’s bluff. Instead Mbabazi called Museveni’s bluff with his own bluff, defeating the purpose of Museveni’s Kyankwanzi move. If Mbabazi has added his signature to the pro-Museveni list, how can Museveni then claim that Mbabazi is undermining him from within? What Mbabazi did at Kyankwanzi was what Museveni did by signing the 1985 Nairobi peace accord – bidding your time by going through the motions of something you do not intend to honour.
The next, more sensitive part is
what Museveni can do about this new threat called the Mbabazi
Project. He can sack him, but what if it causes a serious breakup of the NRM?
There are a whole range of people, companies and interests whose income,
tenders, student scholarships and chances in life depend on Mbabazi,
people who would be driven to desperation if this lifeblood were to be cut off.
If four young NRM “rebel” MPs could
withstand the pressure and intimidation of Museveni and the party machinery in
2013, just imagine how many more MPs, RDCs, civil servants,
ambassadors, intelligence officers, Anglican Church dignitaries, civil
society activists, journalists and other Mbabazi loyalists would rebel and
openly call for the creation of a Kenya-type Orange coalition to challenge
Museveni if he ever touched Mbabazi.
For example, in January the retired
Judge George Kanyeihamba in his Sunday Monitor column wrote a defiant piece
clearly in support of Mbabazi, telling readers of Bakiga solidarity when they
are threatened and indirectly warning Museveni against any thought of tampering
with Mbabazi.
It was obvious that Kanyeihamba had
insider knowledge of a move to undercut Mbabazi’s powers, a move which came
into the light at Kyankwanzi. To make matters worse for Museveni, Mbabazi
appears to have the sympathetic ear of the Chinese government and, according to
former ISO officer Charles Rwomushana appearing on NBS TV’s “Morning Breeze”
breakfast show on February 12, a number of western powers.
Museveni finds himself stuck with a
man he cannot purge without causing the entire NRM to break up, just as
President Milton Obote in the 1980s found himself stuck with a Paulo Muwanga he
could do nothing about. This, then, is the political crisis that faces Uganda
today.
Campaigns
The 2016 election campaign started last week at Kyankwanzi. But this time, it will not be about the NRM versus the nominally main opposition party, the FDC, but rather the pro-Museveni NRM versus the real and main opposition party in Uganda today, which is the NRM-Mbabazi faction.
The 2016 election campaign started last week at Kyankwanzi. But this time, it will not be about the NRM versus the nominally main opposition party, the FDC, but rather the pro-Museveni NRM versus the real and main opposition party in Uganda today, which is the NRM-Mbabazi faction.
It is a repeat of the bitterness and
split within the UPC 30 years ago in 1984, when a faction either loyal to Paulo
Muwanga or manipulated by him took shape, festered on for months, eventually
spread to the army, with Muwanga quietly urging on Tito and Bazillio Okello and
all of this intrigue climaxing in the July 27, 1985 military coup.
The only historic role the FDC, UPC,
DP and other parties can hope to play in 2016 is perhaps to deepen Museveni’s
crisis by boycotting the election and leaving the NRM to tear itself apart as
happened with the UPC in 1985.
Thursday, 27 February 2014
MY EXPERIENCE AT KAMWENGE E- SOCIETY RESOURCE CENTRE
I
reported at the E- SOCIETY RESOURCE CENTRE on Monday 10/02/2014, and I was
welcomed by Miss Joy Morgan.
At
the moment, I did not feel at home, the place was quiet but with conducive
environment, I was told to apply which was very difficult but I tried and made
it, my journey of computer training began
it did not become easy for me and
more to that Miss Joy told me to work out what I know about computer, I only
knew to start up, games and surfing. At E-SOCIETY RESOURCE CENTRE, I did not
find many of my age ments, many of the people that approached the room were big
gentlemen and ladies with offices and this made me more uncomfortable but with
time I came to feel at home, I was able to meet new people, and some friendly
while others minded on their business.
As
at centre I was taught by joy about
Microsoft office word followed by Microsoft office access , under Microsoft
office word I learnt many things such as inserting picture water mark within the
text , inserting columns within
the text and this was so
interesting more to that I was given
work such as designing a certificate and
did not seem to be simple
but with the knowledge I had acquired from Miss Joy , I tried my level
best and succeeded.
I
acquired many skills and this will make my life move on well and simple while
at campus. Since I will be able to do my own coursework .
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